The powerful silence
The powerful silence
Growing up in Ayodhya, I had seen revolts, demonstrations, and
rallies go up every time a religious incident erupted in any part of the country.
Thus, as an echo of my surroundings, I have been highly vocal about my views on
a certain topic, always having a view on everything around me gave me the sense
of self, an identity that is defined by my views. I grew up on the belief that ‘explicit’
is the norm. Being antagonistic and demonstrative is what I believed activism
and fighting for a cause meant. But as Ken booth explains “self is an unfinished
journey” and that “the social world is constructed by the phenomenon of believing
is seeing” I had chosen to see only what I believe in and there was more to activism
than my past ‘self’ was aware of. There’s one approach to activism that contributed
to my development of the 'self' and approach to security.
The term 'quiet activism' has gained popularity as a term to
characterize a range of 'daily', small-scale behaviors that might affect social
change. Knitting and other household crafts, as well as seed-sharing and
forming cross-cultural friendships in small communities, have all been
associated with the word. Such divergent activities are linked not just by
their connections with the individual and personal, but also by the task of
creating and doing being highly centralized. It focuses on the individual as
the means to bring change, something that security studies have hitherto ignored
and security as emancipation focuses on. The contemporary relevance of ‘quiet
activism’ has been based on feminist scholarship which has indirectly provided with
foundations, such that ‘quiet’ represents a contrast to the traditional understanding
of activism that is confrontational and unreserved.
Saudi Arabia’s women’s rights activist Loujain al-Hathloul was
released from prison on 10 February 2021, having been 1,001 days in custody. She
was part of the women2drive campaign that led to the lifting of the ban on women
driving in 2018. Through this incident that gathered international headlines, I
encountered other lower-risk social movements that Saudi Women engaged in due
to the repercussions of the explicit movement in line with the ‘security of silence’
that Lene Hanson mentions. An attempt to fight against injustice leads to threats
and women must resort to silence or denial. But the Saudi women took to quiet
activism and not to total silence. The entrepreneurial space became a platform
for women to participate in social change. They exploited entrepreneurship not just
as a way of empowerment and economic independence but also as a legitimate
platform for political engagement and social change for women. These enabled
them to infiltrate the banned political sphere discreetly aligning with their
interests.
This activism adopted a three-step process to effectivity. To
begin with, the women entrepreneurs intended to empower women in their
workplaces by offering separate or women-only workspaces, on-site day-care, and
safe transportation to and from work, especially before women were allowed to
drive. The next stage was to cultivate a feminist perspective within their
company and wider entrepreneurial network. That is, allow them to break free
from their traditional and restrictive duties, as well as the gendered
stereotypes of what a Saudi woman "should" be. Eventually, as this
"silent" wave of feminism gained traction, the women felt empowered
to face authorities who refused to support their commercial endeavors. These women
took the securitization of their insecurity into their own hands. ‘The violence
of everyday life’ (Kleinman, 2000) of these women is an important concept under
‘human security. This incident imposes the importance of how security studies should
include the individual and every variant of violence, not only the conception
of national security and war.
Then, we interpreted the above-mentioned gender-based insecurities
in individual terms, like certain women in entrepreneurship because the story
present involves some individuals who suffered insecurity and are adapting to a
response that best suits their political environment. Focusing on these specific women however did not hide the fact women of a whole nation are under such
circumstances, and we saw it from the political-gendered lens wherein the state is
the source of insecurity. These women had to resort to ‘quiet activism’ because
the political structure of their country does not allow them to openly organize
protests and lead movements against the injustices imposed upon them. Thus, along
with the need for the inclusion of individuals and the gendered lens in the security
studies, there is a question of how come certain threats to security have
achieved a much broader acceptance than others. In the west, protesting the mandating
of vaccines that are lifesavers is being accommodated, but in Saudi Arabia
women not being allowed to have basic rights such as driving, leads them to
jails.
Ultimately, the self-determines the lens/ theory we adopt to
look at a particular issue of security and the ability to define threats.
References:
- Booth,
Ken. Security and Self: Reflections of a Fallen Realist. Routledge,
1997.
2.
Hansen, Lene. ‘The
Little Mermaid’s Silent Security Dilemma and the Absence of Gender in the
Copenhagen School’. 2000. Millennium 29 (2): 285–30
- Shepherd, Laura J. “Gender, Violence and Global Politics: Contemporary Debates in Feminist Security Studies.” Political Studies Review 7, no. 2 (2009): 208–19
- Alkhaled,
Sophie. Women's entrepreneurship in Saudi Arabia: Feminist solidarity
and political activism in disguise? Gender, Work & Organization 28(6).
January 2021
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