A Liberal, Constructivist and Realist Analysis of China in the South China Sea Region
The South China Sea (SCS) conflict is a particular situation where there are disputes between multiple stakeholder states, where often one piece of land is claimed by more than two states. This is, on the surface, a geopolitical tension within the confines of the SCS itself but the region itself is so strategically important that states from across continents are concerned about the future of this region. More importantly, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) ’s strategy in the area is an accurate example of their general approach in foreign policy over the last decade – characterised by diplomatic deterrence, exercise of its strong political hold over key institutions and the subjects of its power predominantly being significantly weaker states. We can thus see value in interpretation of this security issue though distinct theoretical lenses so as to note the crucial observances from each theoretical lens.
Realist theory posits that the
international exists in a state of anarchy in which each state acts for its own
self-preservation (physical survival). There is an objective rationality
guiding the actions of these states, what classical realists would call the
element of human nature. In the South China Sea conundrum, we see this come
into play relative to the power that the states hold. For the littoral states,
it can quite literally be seen as a tussle for control over what they claim to
be their land. Being excluded from the region deprives them of crucial access
to Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs), which has huge implications for their national
economy. Moreover, the Nine Dash Line would geographically suffocate these
littoral countries, making them dependent on the dominant power (PRC) controlling
the region. Conventionally, realism has understood a continuous struggle for
power between these states and a state tends to gather arsenal and build an
army to serve as a means to the end (power) which is known as the security
dilemma. This is seen in the SCS in the form of the heavy militarization of the
area enclosed by Nine Dash Line extending all the way till the Spratly and Paracel
Islands. Cozette, however, would warn against seeing this power struggle
through the lens of the military; to see the struggle for power purely in
military terms would go against the critical foundations of realism that
Morgenthau had written about. The realist project, she states, is to “critique
the powers that-be”. To that end, the whole conflict essentially boils down to Chinese
expansionism, using the sheer power imbalance to their interest.
Liberalism in IR sees actors as
private groups that act in order to maximise utility. The state is seen as a
subset of the domestic society and preferences of the state are influenced by
this society that they represent. The Chinese state cannot be called a representative
government, and perhaps a liberal perspective would see their belligerent
foreign policy as a consequence of their authoritarianism. On an international
level, states are interdependent. Their actions are thus also constrained by other
states, and each action of the state would face cost implications whether in terms
of loss trade partners or exclusion from strategic alliances. Liberal institutionalism
states that states that have mutual interests can maximise their payoffs through
alliances based on cooperation. The SCS is a clear example of the failure of institutions
in protecting the interests of its member states. China to this day refuses to
accept the judgement of the Permanent Court of Arbitration 2016 ruled in favour
of the Philippines. The United States, among others, has been vocally against
the Chinese presence in the region and has issued several statements to convey its
dismay. Even so, the PRC remains undeterred in what a liberal scholar would
term its pursuit of the regions with strategic and economic importance.
The positivist approach in both the
theories discussed above lie starkly in contrast to constructivism. They argue
that agency and structures are mutually constituted. China has the agency to enforce
its agenda in the SCS and in doing so, dismantles the structures that enforced order
in the region. Constructivism also focuses on the role of state identity and
sees foreign policy as a performance of that identity. These identities are socially
constructed through interactions of the states with other players in the international.
A powerful state such as China has a set of interests that include global domination
and to create an economic dependence over weaker states, while the littoral
states cannot possibly sustain such ambitions by virtue of their agencies. The
Nine Dash Line itself is a crude construction that forms the basis of their policy.
Intersubjectivities are a key concept of constructivist which manifest
themselves quite peculiarly in case of land disputes. Essentially such disputes
can be perceived as an incongruence and an inability to establish an
intersubjectivity of the territory. While such a demarcation is geographically
inefficient in communicating the exact extent of China’s territorial sovereignty,
the meaning given to the Nine Dash Line will tell the future of the region.
The SCS dispute becomes an outlier
that challenges many key theoretical assumptions made in IR. There is thus a
need to further discourse and analysis to understand how to study such a
complex situation. By adopting a strategy of studying this situation through
the minimalist (and possibly reductionist) view of ‘China’ and ‘the littoral
states’ this blog only touches the surface of a dispute that is highly
complicated in itself. The power structures within the littoral states and
their relative position in the international hierarchy guides their individual
foreign policy and informs scholars of their independent interests with respect
to their claims in the region. While this blog can provide a foundational
analysis of the dispute, the task of theorizing this issue through the lens of
each of the individual actors is truly mammoth.
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